Awakened to the new geopolitical agenda in the Caribbean

The dawn of a new geopolitical agenda in the Caribbean region

Deo Adjuvante, Non Timendum

“With God as My Helper, I Have Nothing to Fear”

The Bombastic geopolitical politics of the region 

Dr. Kevin J Turnquest-Alcena
Nassau, N.P., The Bahamas

As we sit and meditate in The Bahamas, our region is waking up to a new geopolitical agenda.  Guyana is heading to the polls on the first of the month, Jamaica follows with its general election on the third, and Venezuela shows signs of anxiety and paranoia.  We must be mindful of one fact: America will not invade Venezuela.  Instead, we must learn to recognize the art of propaganda and the craft of deceit.  These two forces dance like partners in a Machiavellian tango.

Brazil sits quietly, watching as the wider region anticipates a shift in direction.  This is the complexity of our world: nations caught between hope and manipulation, where the ambitions of men can easily pull us into conflict.  And when that conflict erupts, history reminds us there are no heroes, only survivors.

“The greatest victory is that which requires no battle.” — Sun Tzu

We must understand that the strength of a nation lies not in war, but in the wisdom to avoid it.  We should reflect deeply on the lessons of Vietnam and Afghanistan, where decades of bloodshed proved that there are no true winners in wars of intimidation.

Point One: The Role of Regional Unity

One of the greatest weaknesses of the Caribbean has been its fragmentation.  Each island often pursues its own agenda while outside powers exploit division.  The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) was designed to strengthen cooperation, yet its voice is too often muted on global stages.  If we fail to speak as one, we risk being manipulated as many small pieces rather than one strong collective.

“Unity is strength… when there is teamwork and collaboration, wonderful things can be achieved.” — Mattie Stepanek

Point Two: The Economic Battlefield

Geopolitics is not only about armies.  It is also about economics.  Foreign powers use loans, trade deals, and aid packages as weapons of influence.  The region must be careful not to trade independence for short-term financial relief.  Debt diplomacy is as dangerous as military occupation because it shackles future generations to decisions made in desperation.

“It is not the creation of wealth that is wrong, but the love of money for its own sake.” — Margaret Thatcher

Point Three: The Importance of Youth and Education

The future of the Caribbean does not belong to the politicians of today but to the youth who will inherit tomorrow.  Education must prepare our young people not only for jobs, but for leadership, diplomacy, and critical thinking.  If our region fails to invest in its human capital, we will remain vulnerable to external manipulation.  A population that cannot think critically is easily swayed by propaganda.

“Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” — Nelson Mandela

Point Four: Climate Change as a Political Weapon

The politics of the region cannot be separated from the reality of climate change.  Rising seas, stronger hurricanes, and environmental stress place small island nations at risk.  Wealthy countries make promises of aid and green funding, yet often use climate negotiations to exert influence over poorer nations.  For the Caribbean, survival itself is political, and climate change is now part of geopolitics.

“We do not inherit the Earth from our ancestors; we borrow it from our children.” — Native American Proverb

Point Five: Venezuela and the True Prize of Oil

At the center of much of this regional tension is Venezuela, a nation that sits on the largest proven oil reserves in the world.  This wealth of natural resources makes Venezuela a constant point of contention.  For decades, outside powers have eyed Venezuelan oil as if it were a prize for the taking.  Yet we must be clear: Venezuelan oil belongs to the Venezuelan people, not to Washington, Beijing, or any foreign capital.

Exiled Venezuelans who were driven away by political repression yearn to return home not only to reclaim democracy, but also to reclaim the oil wealth that rightfully belongs to them and their children.  Oil should be a national inheritance that lifts Venezuelans out of poverty, not a bargaining chip in global power games.  The true prize of Venezuela’s oil is the survival and prosperity of Venezuela itself.

“Natural resources should serve humanity, not dominate it.” — Wangari Maathai

Point Six: Security and Migration

Instability in one nation often spills into its neighbors.  The Caribbean has seen waves of migration from Venezuela and Haiti, placing pressure on small island states with limited resources.  This is not just a humanitarian challenge but also a political and security issue.  Increased migration fuels debates about border control, law enforcement, and social stability.  How the region responds will determine whether it embraces compassion and order, or allows chaos and division to spread.

“Peace is not merely a distant goal that we seek, but a means by which we arrive at that goal.” — Martin Luther King Jr.

Point Seven: Macha Positioning and Geopolitical Posture

Another layer of politics in the region is what can be called macha positioning.  This is the display of strength, the flexing of influence, and the posturing of nations without committing to open war.  Countries use military exercises, diplomatic statements, and economic alliances to show dominance and intimidate rivals.  It is a game of appearances, where leaders project toughness to secure leverage at the negotiation table.

The danger of macha positioning is that it can create unnecessary tensions.  Pride and image become more important than peace and cooperation.  History shows us that wars have often been sparked not by necessity, but by leaders refusing to lose face.  The Caribbean must be wise enough to avoid becoming a stage for these dangerous displays of bravado.

“It is not power that corrupts, but fear.  Fear of losing power corrupts those who wield it.” — Aung San Suu Kyi

“More the knowledge, lesser the ego. Lesser the knowledge, more the ego.” — Albert Einstein

“War does not determine who is right, only who is left.” — Bertrand Russell

Conclusion

The Caribbean stands at a crossroads.  Its unity, economic independence, and the education of its youth are the pillars that will determine whether the region thrives or falters.  Climate change and migration test our resilience, while Venezuela’s oil reminds us that the true wealth of nations lies in the hands of their own people.

Macha positioning and external pressures challenge our ability to act with wisdom rather than ego.  To navigate this complex landscape, the Caribbean must prioritize cooperation over division, long-term vision over short-term gain, and vigilance over impulse.  Only by putting people first, respecting sovereignty, and embracing strategic patience can the region safeguard peace and prosperity for generations to come.

August 29, 2025

Source / Comment

The Enduring Impact of Colonial Governance Structures on Post-colonial States

The persistence of political clientelism, nepotism, and bureaucratic inefficiency in The Bahamas and the wider region can be traced back to their colonial past, where these practices were instrumental in maintaining control over the population...

The Enduring Legacy of Colonial Bureaucracy in Post-Colonial States: A Comparative Analysis of CARICOM, The Bahamas, Singapore, and India

By Dr. Kevin J. Turnquest Alcena
Nassau, NP, The Bahamas
Refreshed Date: 03 September, 2024

Abstract

This paper explores the enduring effects of colonial governance structures on post-colonial states, with a particular focus on The Bahamas and the wider Caribbean Community (CARICOM), alongside Singapore and India. The study contrasts the experiences of these former British colonies, highlighting how each region has navigated its colonial legacy. While Singapore and India have successfully reformed their colonial systems to foster economic growth and political stability, many CARICOM nations, including The Bahamas, remain entrenched in bureaucratic and nepotistic frameworks that stifle innovation and development. The paper further investigates the role of political clientelism, nepotism, overregulation, and other colonial-era practices in maintaining these legacies across CARICOM, and offers insights into potential pathways for reform.

Introduction

The legacy of colonialism continues to shape the political, economic, and social landscapes of many post-colonial states, particularly in the Caribbean. The Bahamas and other member states of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) provide compelling case studies of how colonial governance structures can persist long after independence, resulting in political systems characterized by nepotism, bureaucratic inefficiency, and a lack of innovation. This paper contrasts these CARICOM states with other former British colonies, such as Singapore and India, which have successfully transitioned away from colonial governance models, fostering robust economic growth and political stability.

A Stern Charge to the Politicians of CARICOM

Nation-building in the Caribbean is hampered by various socio-political factors, chief among them being political clientelism, which often teeters on the edge of democracy by default. This issue, deeply embedded in the fabric of Caribbean politics, has exacerbated poverty across the region, a phenomenon noted by scholars such as Hinds (2018) and Lewis (2007). Nepotism and the "big shot" syndrome further entrench this quagmire, stalling meaningful progress and perpetuating decadence in governmental hierarchies (Premdas, 1996).

A closer examination of Guyana, Jamaica, and Haiti reveals the stark failures of political structures with no immediate remedies in sight. CARICOM, the regional body established to foster economic integration and political cooperation, has been largely ineffective. Scholars like Payne and Sutton (2001) have argued that CARICOM's institutional framework is weak, and its successes are limited, with The Bahamas and Cuba being the few exceptions. An example, after the Cuban revolution in 1959 Cuba has established over 3,000 institutions that are still benefiting the Cuban population today, such as science, education, medicine and healthcare. In the case of The Bahamas we still maintain our dollar on par with the US— The Bahamas is coupled with debt, bureaucracy and overregulation. The underlying cause of this failure is political clientelism—a systemic issue that we, as Caribbean nations, must acknowledge and address.

In this critical juncture of Bahamian development, it is imperative to distinguish between politics and development. The bureaucratic system, particularly in developing countries, including those in the Caribbean, has strangled national development. This is evident in the works of scholars such as Girvan (2010), who critiques the bureaucratic paralysis that plagues the region's governance structures.

Colonial Legacy and Political Clientelism in CARICOM

One of the most significant issues facing post-colonial states like those in CARICOM is the persistence of political clientelism. This system, where political leaders use state resources to secure the loyalty of clients, often at the expense of broader national interests, is deeply rooted in colonial practices. In countries like The Bahamas, this has resulted in a political environment where nepotism thrives, and decisions are often made based on personal connections rather than merit. The issue of political clientelism is not unique to The Bahamas; it pervades the entire CARICOM region, severely hampering development efforts.

Bureaucracy and Overregulation in CARICOM

The colonial legacy in CARICOM is also evident in the pervasive bureaucracy that hinders economic development and innovation. British colonial administration was known for its rigid and hierarchical structures, designed to maintain control over the colony's population. This bureaucratic culture has persisted in many CARICOM nations, where red tape and overregulation are common complaints among businesses and investors. Similar to The Bahamas, other CARICOM states have inherited complex bureaucratic systems from their colonial past, often criticized for inefficiency and corruption. While some nations like Jamaica have made efforts to reform their bureaucracies, progress remains uneven across the region.

Comparative Analysis: CARICOM vs. Singapore and India

Singapore, India, and the CARICOM nations provide a striking contrast in how post-colonial states can either transcend or remain trapped by their colonial legacies. Singapore's success in overcoming its colonial past can be attributed to its emphasis on meritocracy, strong legal institutions, and a strategic focus on economic development. India, while facing significant challenges in its post-colonial journey, has also made notable progress in reforming its governance structures, particularly through economic liberalization and the strengthening of democratic institutions. On the other hand, many CARICOM nations, including The Bahamas, have struggled to move beyond their colonial inheritance, with political and economic systems that reflect the same inefficiencies and corruption that characterized the colonial era.

The difference in outcomes between these former colonies underscores the importance of institutional reform in the post-colonial context. While Singapore and India have made strides in implementing reforms that foster growth and stability, CARICOM continues to grapple with the challenges of political clientelism, nepotism, and overregulation.

A Critical View on CARICOM's Single Market Initiative

The idea of a "single market" for the Caribbean is flawed, as the dynamics of global capitalism and the liquidity of global capital are too complex for CARICOM to manage effectively. Scholars like Worrell (2008) have critiqued the overly ambitious nature of the single market initiative, pointing out that the European Union, despite its vast resources, continues to struggle with its common market vision. The EU's challenges, despite its historical development and financial superiority, underscore the futility of a similar initiative in the Caribbean.

Foreign investment decisions are typically based on specific national criteria rather than regional affiliations. This reality undermines the rationale for a CARICOM common market. As pointed out by Alleyne and Ivey (2014), investors are primarily concerned with factors such as geographic location, amenities, safety, legal integrity, and the robustness of financial markets—all of which vary significantly across Caribbean nations.

Given these complexities, the suggestion of hemispherical integration—political and judicial rather than purely economic—is worthy of consideration. Political and judicial integration could lay a stronger foundation for future trade agreements, avoiding the pitfalls that doomed NAFTA, which lacked a political instrument to prevent multinational exploitation (Pastor, 2001).

The Bahamas, by refraining from joining a CARICOM single market economy, has positioned itself as a potential leader in the region. The Christie Administration's decision reflects an understanding of the nuances of market forces in a small economy and offers a pragmatic approach to resolving the region's economic and social challenges (Bethell, 2017). The Bahamas can best serve the region by sharing its insights on market economies, emphasizing that size and arrogance are not synonymous with success.

Conclusion

The experience of CARICOM highlights the enduring impact of colonial governance structures on post-colonial states. The persistence of political clientelism, nepotism, and bureaucratic inefficiency across the region can be traced back to its colonial past, where these practices were instrumental in maintaining control over the population. In contrast, Singapore's success in breaking free from its colonial legacy, and India's ongoing efforts to reform its inherited systems, demonstrate the potential for growth and stability when a nation is able to reimagine its governance structures. For CARICOM to move forward, significant reforms are necessary to reduce bureaucracy, promote meritocracy, and create environments that encourage innovation and investment. The continued reform efforts in India should serve as a model, focusing on further reducing bureaucratic inefficiencies and tackling political clientelism to sustain its growth trajectory.

Source

Works Cited

Alleyne, Dillon, and Stephen Ivey. Economic Policy in the Caribbean: The Impact on Growth and Development. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

Bethell, John. "Ethics and Accountability in the Caribbean: The Case of The Bahamas." Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, vol. 55, no. 3, 2017, pp. 398-414.

Girvan, Norman. CARICOM: The Struggle for Economic Integration. Ian Randle Publishers, 2010.

Harsch, Ernest. Africa’s Governance Crisis: Failures and Opportunities. Palgrave Macmillan, 2001.

Hinds, David. Ethnopolitics and Power Sharing in Guyana: History and Discourse. New Academia Publishing, 2018.

Lewis, Gordon K. Main Currents in Caribbean Thought: The Historical Evolution of Caribbean Society in Its Ideological Aspects. University of Nebraska Press, 2007.

Payne, Anthony, and Paul Sutton. Charting Caribbean Development. Macmillan Caribbean, 2001.

Pastor, Robert A. Toward a North American Community: Lessons from the Old World for the New. Peterson Institute, 2001.

Premdas, Ralph R. Ethnicity and Identity in the Caribbean: Decolonization and Cultural Diversity. University of the West Indies Press, 1996.

Worrell, DeLisle. "The Single Economy and the Caribbean Single Market and Economy." Caribbean Development Bank, 2008.

With Haiti “on the brink of disaster, quick and decisive action” is needed - “to bring the situation under control and to return the country to the Haitian people.”

“for the greater good of the Haitian people.”

PRESIDENT ALI URGES HAITIAN STAKEHOLDERS TO ‘GIVE A LITTLE’

(CARICOM Secretariat, Turkeyen, Greater Georgetown, Guyana) Chair of CARICOM, H.E. Dr. Mohamed Irfaan Ali on Monday [11 March 2024] called on Haitian stakeholder groups to “give a little” to reach consensus on the way forward, “for the greater good of the Haitian people.”

The President of Guyana was at the time addressing the High-Level Meeting on Haiti in New Kingston, Jamaica.

He said CARICOM convened the meeting following intense engagements on Haiti before and after the recent 46th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government.

With Haiti “on the brink of disaster”, he said “quick and decisive action” is needed “to bring the situation under control and to return the country to the Haitian people.”

Noting the intense discussions with Haiti’s political sects, civil society and faith-based leaders, President Ali said,

“We’ve impressed upon all the stakeholders that they have a duty to their people to reach a consensus among themselves now…. to attempt to arrive at a consensus around an effective, inclusive transitional governance structure to take the country to general elections in the shortest possible time.”

For CARICOM, “the interests of the people of Haiti are a singular and primary concern,” the Chair said, underscoring the need for both immediate and long-term support to establish “building blocks for political stability and the long -term recovery and development of Haiti.”

On a note of gratitude, President Ali thanked the Meeting host, Prime Minister Andrew Holness for undertaking the good officers’ role in Haiti and facilitating critical talks for the second time in his country.

Describing the yeoman efforts of the other CARICOM Heads, the Chair said,

“I’m extremely proud of the selfless work I have seen personally over the last week, all hours in the night, all in the interest of the Haitian people.  This, I think, is most commendable and speak to the resolve of this Region to find solutions when we are faced with the greatest difficulties.”

The Eminent Persons Group which comprises former prime ministers Perry Christie of The Bahamas, Bruce Golding of Jamaica and Kenny Anthony of Saint Lucia also came in for high praise for their efforts in assisting to forge a path forward among Haitian stakeholders.  The international community too received praise from President Ali whom he said has demonstrated “selfless support” to the Haitian people and CARICOM, as the work continues “for the common good of the Haitian people.”

Source