Brazil's Tax System

What is Value Added Tax, VAT?

Tax Reform Brazil

Three Innovations of Brazil’s Value Added Tax Reform

by Alberto Barreix - José Tostes - Melina Rocha

One of the defining features of Brazil’s tax system is the complexity of its indirect taxes.  Notably, the system is marked by fragmented tax bases, the cumulative taxation at each stage of the production process (known as the cascading effect), and the administrative challenges posed by the jurisdiction to tax consumption of three levels of government— the Federal Union, 27 states, and 5,570 municipalities—each applying different tax bases and rates.

For decades, Brazil tried to reform this complex tax structure, with little success.  However, the situation changed in 2023 when the country approved a landmark reform introducing three modern mechanisms that will likely be a model for the future of the value added tax (VAT).  This tax is currently present in 175 countries around the world and is the main source of revenue for most developing countries.

In this post, we will discuss the findings of an upcoming study on three innovative VAT mechanisms of the Brazilian reform that can make this tax more effective, less regressive and adjusted to the country’s federal structure.  We hope that the lessons from the Brazilian case will offer valuable insights for any government seeking to improve the design and application of this tax.

What is Value Added Tax?

Conceived by the German industrialist Siemens over a hundred years ago, the value added tax (VAT) is a tax on consumption levied on the value that businesses add at each stage of the production and distribution process.  The VAT taxes consumption at destination with a broad base and a uniform rate, fulfilling three criteria of sound taxation.

First, it is a highly effective tool for revenue generation.  Secondly, by not distorting the supplies among goods and services and by adopting the credit system, it does not influence the taxpayer’s choice, maximizing neutrality.  Thirdly, its administrative simplicity lowers compliance costs for taxpayers and enforcement expenses for tax authorities.

The VAT was introduced in the mid-1950s in France, and Brazil was the third jurisdiction in the world to adopt it in 1964, albeit imperfectly.  In Brazil, most indirect taxes are currently levied on the supplies of goods and services, in the form of four different taxes: PIS/COFINS by the federal government, ICMS by the states and ISS by the municipalities.

These four taxes are largely levied on origin (where the suppliers of goods and services are located) and represent the largest source of revenue in the country, with a 36.4% share of the total revenue of the three levels of government (Graph 1), and representing the main source of revenue for the states and most municipalities.  Furthermore, Brazil has become the world’s biggest collector of this consumption tax.

Brazil’s Tax Reform Follows the Best International VAT Practices

Because of Brazil’s federative model, the reform adopted the Dual VAT model, with the creation of two separate taxes: the Contribution on Goods and Services (CBS), which is the responsibility of the federal government, and the Tax on Goods and Services (IBS), which is shared between states and municipalities.

In addition to the IBS and CBS, the reform also provides for the introduction of an excise tax on certain goods and services that are harmful to health and the environment, in line with the international excise tax model.

The model to be implemented solves three major problems with the current tax system:

• It creates two broad-based taxes.  The two new taxes replace the four taxes with fragmented bases (PIS, COFINS, ICMS and ISS).  CBS and IBS will be levied on all supplies of goods and services, in line with the best international VAT practices.
•  It offers a constitutional guarantee of a VAT credit system.  The reform constitutionally guarantees that VAT crediting will be broad, i.e. that all IBS and CBS paid on purchases of goods and services will give rise to tax credits, except for goods for personal use and consumption and other exceptions provided for in the Constitution, such as cases of exemption and immunity.
•  It ends the “tax war” between states. The new system will adopt the destination principle, under which imports will be taxed and exports exempted. Internally, the rate to be applied will be the one used in the state or municipality of the destination of the supply of goods or services.  The adoption of the destination principle in interstate transactions will eliminate the tax war among states under which, with the current model of ICMS and ISS partially levied at origin, is carried out by granting tax benefits to attract investment.
•  Transition: The transition in the distribution of federal revenues from origin to destination will take place over 50 years.  During this transition period, revenues will continue to be distributed according to the current origin-based system, with a gradual shift toward allocating the IBS based on the destination principle.  This prolonged transition avoids an abrupt reduction in the revenues of sub-national entities benefiting from the current model, eliminating the need for direct compensation.

To ensure federative balance and regional competitiveness, four funds[2] were created under the responsibility of the federal government, aimed at fostering development, reducing regional inequalities, especially in the Amazon region, and compensating for the phasing out of the ICMS tax benefits.  Although they reinforce federative equalization, they impose a significant financial burden on the federal government, requiring planning and strict fiscal management.

In addition, differentiated regimes were established as exceptions to the general IBS and CBS regimes for sectors such as health, education, basic food baskets and agriculture, through reduced rates and presumed credits.  The favored regimes benefit specific regions and sectors, including the Manaus Free Trade Zone (ZFM), which maintained its free trade area tax incentives, and Simples Nacional, which preserved reduced and progressive rates for micro and small companies.

Implementing Three Innovative Mechanisms

The Brazilian tax reform brings three important innovations, including the creation of mechanisms for implementing and coordinating Dual VAT between the different federal entities and a split payment mechanism, which reduces tax evasion.  A third innovation is the partial refund of VAT to low-income families to combat its regressivity (cashback).

1st Innovation: Dual VAT with the Creation of a Management Committee

As we mentioned earlier, the Dual VAT includes two taxes, one of federal responsibility and the other subnational, to be shared between states and municipalities.

The great novelty of the Brazilian tax reform compared to the dual VAT models of Canada and India is its institutional arrangement.  A steering committee (Comitê Gestor) will be set up with representatives from the states and municipalities to administer the IBS, which will be responsible for collecting this tax on all transactions and distributing the proceeds according to federative transition rules and the place where the taxable supply occurs.

The Steering Committee represents an important simplification for taxpayers, as they will only need to register and remit the tax for a single entity instead of potentially for the 27 states and 5,570 municipalities.  In addition, it will ensure that taxpayers can claim and receive credit refunds, since revenue collected on B2B supplies will not be transferred to the federative entities.

From the point of view of the sub-national entities, the Steering Committee (Comitê Gestor, as it is known in Portuguese) will have equal participation from representatives of the states and municipalities and will distribute the collection to the respective destination entity. Shared governance ensures the autonomy of sub-national entities in the administration of the tax, as the federal government will have no participation in Committee.

2nd Innovation: Collection of VAT on Financial Settlement

Another novelty of the Brazilian reform is the split payment model, or the collection of taxes when the payment is settled.  This model has already been implemented in some European countries and was criticized for having a negative impact on business’ cash flow, since taxes were automatically remitted to tax authorities without considering any VAT credits of the suppliers.  This meant that firms accumulated tax credits and had to wait to be refunded, which often took a long time, generating financial costs and cash flow problems.

The Brazilian model has solved this challenge by adopting an “intelligent split payment” model, in which there will be a prior consultation with the tax authorities to check whether the supplier has IBS and CBS credits before determining whether the split payment will be made.

If the supplier holds IBS and CBS credits, the split payment mechanism will not apply.  Instead, the seller will receive the full transaction amount (i.e., price plus tax), ensuring that the firm’s cash flow remains unaffected (see Graph 2).  If this consultation is not possible and the split payment is made, the tax administration must refund the amount of the taxes to the supplier within three days.

According to the graph above based on a hypothetical case, the supplier makes a sale to the buyer of $100 on which $26.5 of IBS and CBS are collected (1).  The buyer then makes a payment of $126.5 through a financial institution (2).  Before making the split payment, the financial institution checks with the tax administration to confirm if the supplier has IBS/CBS credits (3).  If the supplier does not have enough IBS/CBS credits to settle the IBS/CBS on the transaction, the payment institution will make the split payment, remitting the amount of the taxes ($26.5) to the tax authorities (4) and the value of the item sold ($100) to the supplier (5).  If the supplier has tax credits to settle the transaction, he will receive the full payment of the price and the IBS/CBS ($126.5) and no tax withholding applies.

The implementation of this model is possible because of the high level of digitization of VAT assessment and management.  Brazil was one of the world’s pioneers in implementing electronic invoicing, digital accounting and has advanced instant payment systems such as PIX[1].  Split Payment is expected to reduce fraud conducted with false invoices and fictitious credits, paving the way for the reduction in the tax gap and, consequently, the standard rate too.

3rd Innovation: VAT Refund Mechanism (or Personalized VAT)

The main problem with VAT is vertical equity: in almost all jurisdictions the VAT is proven to be regressive when measured in relation to income.  Lower-income taxpayers pay proportionally more tax than higher-income consumers on their consumption.  To mitigate this impact, many countries reduce tax rates or exempt certain mass-consumption goods and services.  However, this approach lowers revenue and can worsen inequality, as higher-income individuals tend to consume more in absolute terms.

The Brazilian reform adopted the Personalized VAT (P-VAT) or Cashback to solve this challenge.  This solution consists of generalizing the tax base, adopting a single rate and returning what has been paid in IBS and CBS to low-income populations or disadvantaged groups.  This maximizes collection and neutrality while reducing VAT’s regressivity.  In short, P-VAT (Cashback) substitutes indiscriminate tax expenditures with focalized (expenses) tax refunds.  Tax administrations can use electronic means (e.g. electronic invoices, especial card for beneficiaries, electronic payment, etc.) to improve the targeting of beneficiaries while combating fraud.

Families with a monthly per capita income of up to half of Brazil’s minimum wage will benefit from P-VAT.  Cashback will correspond to 100% of the CBS and 20% of the IBS paid on the purchase of gas cylinders, electricity, water supply, sewage and piped gas and telecommunications, and 20% for other goods and services.

Conclusion about Brazil’s VAT Reform

Brazil’s reform of taxes on consumption aims to address two simultaneous challenges.  First, it seeks to simplify the system, eliminate “cascading effects” and reduce the regressivity.  To achieve this, it applies a broad base with low rates and full input tax crediting and introduces partial VAT refunds for lower-income individuals.

Secondly, it maintains the tax jurisdiction of all levels of government through the implementation of a dual VAT system (CBS and IBS).  This system is overseen by a representative steering committee and ensures a fair and transparent distribution of tax revenues based on electronic invoicing.

The solutions implemented in the reform demonstrate that the adoption of good international tax practices combined with innovations in the design of institutional arrangements and the use of modern digital technologies for both tax management and financial transactions will be important allies for improving this century-old tax in the coming years.

Source / Full Article / Comment

Chat for Money

Chatting for Money and Money for Chat Online for All Time

Instantly Turn Live Chat into a Profitable New Revenue Stream for your Website and Social Media Business

Domestic Economic Developments in The Bahamas

The Central Bank of The Bahamas -Monthly Economic and Financial Developments (MEFD) May 2025

Published: Monday June 30th, 2025

Domestic Economic Developments

Overview

Preliminary indications are that the domestic economy’s pace of growth moderated during May 2025, relative to the same period last year, as performance continued to move closer to their expected medium-term potential.  Tourism inflows, although at healthy levels, rose at a slower pace, owing to capacity constraints in the high value-added stopover category, albeit the cruise sector remained buoyant.  In price developments, average consumer price inflation posted a flat outturn during the 12 months to March 2025, relative to the comparative 2024 period, underpinned by reduced cost pressures from imported fuel and other goods and services.  Monetary sector developments featured a buildup in banking sector liquidity, as the accumulation in the deposit base exceeded the growth in domestic credit.  In contrast, external reserves decreased, mainly attributed to a rise in net foreign currency outflows through the public sector.

Real Sector

Tourism

Initial data indicated that during the review month, the gains tourism sector earnings slowed, as activity in the stopover segment remained constrained by accommodation capacity.  However, the cruise segment maintained its healthy pace of growth.

Preliminary data from the Nassau Airport Development Company Limited (NAD) revealed that total departure—net of domestic passenger—declined by 3.2% to 133,397 in May, relative to the same 2024 period.  Underlying this outcome, U.S departures fell by 3.7% to 113,984, and non-US international departures, by 0.6% to 19,413, vis-à-vis the corresponding period last year.

On a year-to-date basis, total outbound traffic decreased by 2.3% to 0.7 million.  Specifically, U.S departures reduced by 2.8% to 0.6 million, relative to the comparative 2024 period.  Contrastingly, non-US departures grew by 0.7% to 0.1 million compared to a year earlier.

In the short-term vacation rental market, data provided by AirDNA showed that in May, total room nights sold rose by 5.0% to 66,830 vis-à-vis the corresponding period in the prior year.  The average daily room rate (ADR) firmed for entire place listings by 10.4% to $571.89 relative to the comparative period of 2024, and by 1.3% to $189.16 for hotel comparable listings.  However, given the inventory boost, average occupancy rates for entire place listings decreased to 44.1% from 47.3% a year earlier.  Likewise, hotel comparable listings declined to 43.5% from 47.7% in the preceding year.  On a year-to-date basis, total room nights sold grew by 10.7% and the average daily rates on entire place and hotel comparable listings, by 8.6% and 3.6%, respectively.

2025/2026 Budget Communications Highlights

The Government’s Budget Communication for FY2025/2026 was presented to Parliament on May 28, 2025 under the theme “Expanding Opportunities, Island by Island”, and approved by the end of June.  The Government’s announced an agenda aimed at prioritizing enhanced food and national security, offsetting the rising costs of living, upgrading public infrastructure, protecting the environment and advancing education and employment.

In the 2025/26 Budget, the Government plans to strengthen its fiscal position by improving revenue collection efficiency to counterbalance a targeted tax relief strategy.  In this regard, the budget forecasts a revenue intake of $3.9 billion for FY2025/26, compared to the projected $3.5 billion in FY2024/25.

With regard to revenue measures, no general increase in taxes nor fees were scheduled for FY2025/26.  Measures to increase tax proceeds largely focused on enhancing collection efficiency, and bolstering tax compliance.

Heightened efforts concentrated on strengthening tax compliance from cruise liners.  Measures to improve collection efficiency include the introduction of the Frequent Visitors Digital Card (FVDC) initiative, aimed at expediting the immigration process for frequent leisure travelers arriving by private vessel or aircraft.

To increase non-tax proceeds, the Budget introduces a series of targeted fees to protect the marine environment, such as an environmental levy on seabed leases and fines for unsafe marine operations.  In addition, the Government foreshadowed the establishment of a Maritime Revenue Unit to support compliance, with expanded enforcement powers granted to relevant authorities.

Further, the Government outlined a series of tax relief measures to offset rising living costs.  Notably, a reduction in the VAT rate to 5.0% was announced for a range of essential products, such as medical and dental supplies, prescription and non-prescription drugs, and basic hygiene products.  In addition, concessions included the extension of VAT relief on building materials for religious institutions, the planned reduction or removal of customs duties for several household hardware items, and the elimination of excise duty on butane fuel used for cooking. To encourage the adoption of cleaner technology, the budget also offered duty exemptions for energy efficient appliances.

Aligning with the Government’s goal to create employment opportunities, the Budget introduced the Business Development Incentives Program Act to offer tax-related benefits to large firms investing in local job creation, training, and sustainable development.

To promote equity in the Real Property Tax system, Parliament approved that, foreign homeowners would qualify for the owner-occupied exemption on properties valued up to $300,000, with partial exemption granted after 90 days of residency and full exemption after 183 days.

As it pertains to Government spending, expenditure was projected at $3.8 billion for FY2025/26, surpassing the $3.6 billion estimate in FY2024/2025. Recurrent outlays were expected to reach $3.4 billion, vis-à-vis the $3.3 billion approximation in FY2024/2025. Capital spending was forecasted at $376.3 million, higher than the $344.5 million estimate in 2024/2025.  With regard to major expenditure measures, the Government outlined numerous planned infrastructure projects across the archipelago, inclusive of roadworks, school and clinic repairs, aviation enhancements and expansions, upgrades to water systems and improving drainage in flood-prone areas.  As it relates to public safety, the Budget included allotments to enhance emergency services infrastructure.  The Government also provisioned funds for the upgrade of law enforcement technology, the construction of new facilities and for new recruits.  For the judicial system, the Budget allocated funds to expand the Virtual Courts platform.

Targeting food security, the Budget increased the overall agriculture allocation to $35.0 million from $25.0 million. Notably, the Government planned to raise its commitments to Bahamian farmers and provision for the creation of a new Centre for Food and Nutrition Security, to drive innovation, research, and policy development.  In addition, $9.0 million was earmarked to outfit the Golden Yolk Project with new poultry housing and an egg processing facility.  Further, the Government signaled plans to support construction of hydroponic farms on several islands to modernize farming techniques.

In terms of entrepreneurship, the Government proposed allotments for targeted programs through the Small Business Development Center and the Bahamas Development Bank. For education, proposed investments include $2.6 million for the National Maritime Academy, expanded support for BAMSI and BTVI, and scholarships for university students.  Further, the Government provisioned for the launch of The Bahamas Polytechnic Accreditation and Training Hub, alongside the Upskill program, to strengthen technical and vocational pathways through paid online and in-person certification courses.

Based on the current economic outlook, the Government anticipates a fiscal surplus of $75.5 million, or 0.5% of GDP for FY2025/2026, as compared to the projected $69.8 million deficit (0.4% of GDP) for FY2024/25. Given the projections, a reduction in the direct debt charge was forecasted, alongside a decrease in the corresponding ratio to GDP.

Prices

Average consumer price inflation—as measured by the All-Bahamas Retail Price Index—was relatively flat during the 12 months to March 2025, following a 2.4% increase in the comparative 2024 period.  Contributing to this development, average costs declined for clothing & footwear, by 1.9% and housing, water, gas, electricity & other fuels, by 1.3%, after recording respective increases of 0.2% and 4.7% in the same period last year. Likewise, average prices decreased for recreation & culture, by 0.6% and restaurant & hotels, by 0.3%, following the prior year gains of 1.7% and 3.4%, respectively.  In addition, average inflation moderated for furnishing, household equipment & routine household maintenance (2.7%); food & non-alcoholic beverages (2.4%); miscellaneous goods & services (2.3%); alcoholic beverages tobacco & narcotics (1.8%); education (1.7%); and health (1.7%). Providing some offset, the reduction in average prices slowed for communications (3.5%) and transport (1.6%).

Source / View / Download Full Document

The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) Abides in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba - for a Change?

Regime Change in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba is on The U.S. Agenda

US Reinstates Funding to Propaganda Outlet: NED - Weaponizes “Democracy” in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba

By John Perry and Roger D. Harris

The brief freeze and rapid partial reinstatement of National Endowment for Democracy (NED) funding in early 2025 helped expose it as a US regime-change tool.  Created to rebrand CIA covert operations as “democracy promotion,” the NED channels government funds to opposition groups in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba, meddling in their internal affairs.

Regime change on the US agenda

In 2018, Kenneth Wollack bragged to the US Congress that the NED had given political training to 8,000 young Nicaraguans, many of whom were engaged in a failed attempt to overthrow Nicaragua’s Sandinista government.  Wollack was praising the “democracy-promotion” work carried out by NED, of which he is now vice-chair.  Carl Gershman, then president of the NED and giving evidence, was asked about Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, who had been re-elected with an increased majority two years prior.  He responded: “Time for him to go.”

Seven years later, Trump took office and it looked as if the NED’s future was endangered.  On February 12, the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) under Elon Musk froze disbursement of its congressionally approved funds.  Its activities stopped and its website went blank.  On February 24, Richard Grenell, special envoy to Venezuela, declared that “Donald Trump is someone who does not want to make regime changes.”

Washington’s global regime-change operations were immediately impacted and over 2,000 paid US collaborating organizations temporarily defunded.  A Biden-appointed judge warned of “potentially catastrophic harm” to (not in her words) US efforts to overturn foreign governments.  The howl from the corporate press was deafening.  The Associated Press cried: “‘Beacon of freedom’ dims as US initiatives that promote democracy abroad wither.”

However, the pause lasted barely a month.  On March 10, funding was largely reinstated.  The NED, which “deeply appreciated” the State Department’s volte face, then made public its current program which, in Latin America and the Caribbean alone, includes over 260 projects costing more than $40 million.

US “soft power”

Created in 1983 under President Ronald Reagan following scandals involving the CIA’s covert funding of foreign interventions, the NED was to shift such operations into a more publicly palatable form under the guise of “democracy promotion.”  As Allen Weinstein, NED’s first acting president, infamously admitted in 1991: “A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA.”  In short, NED functions as a “soft power arm” of US foreign policy.

The NED disingenuously operates as a 501(c)(3) private nonprofit foundation.  However, it is nearly 100% funded by annual appropriations from the US Congress and governed mainly by Washington officials or ex-officials.  In reality, it is an instrument of the US state—and, arguably, of the so-called deep state.  But its quasi-private status shields it from many of the disclosure requirements that typically apply to taxpayer-funded agencies.

Hence we encounter verbal gymnastics such as those in its “Duty of Care and Public Disclosure Policies.”   That document loftily proclaims: “NED holds itself to high standards of transparency and accountability.”  Under a discussion of its “legacy” (with no mention of its CIA pedigree), the NGO boasts: “Transparency has always been central to NED’s identity.”

But it continues, “…transparency for oversight differs significantly from transparency for public consumption.”  In other words, it is transparent to the State Department but not to the public.  The latter are only offered what it euphemistically calls a “curated public listing of grants” – highly redacted and lacking in specific details.

NED enjoys a number of advantages by operating in the nether region between an accountable US government agency and a private foundation.  It offers plausible deniability: the US government can use it to support groups doing its bidding abroad without direct attribution, giving Washington a defense from accusations of interference in the internal affairs of other countries.  It is also more palatable for foreign institutions to partner with what is ostensibly an NGO, rather than with the US government itself.

The NED can also respond quickly if regime-change initiatives are needed in countries on Washington’s enemy list, circumventing the usual governmental budgeting procedures.  And, as illustrated during that congressional presentation in 2018 on Nicaragua, NED’s activities are framed as supporting democracy, human rights, and civil society.  It cynically invokes universal liberal values while promoting narrow Yankee geopolitical interests.  Thus its programs are sold as altruistic rather than imperial, and earn positive media headlines like the one from the AP cited above.

But a look at NED’s work in Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba suggests very much the opposite.

Venezuela

Venezuela had passed an NGO Oversight Law in 2024.  Like the US’s Foreign Agents Registration Act, but somewhat less restrictive, the law requires certification of NGOs.  As even the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) – an inside-the-beltway promoter of US imperialism with a liberal gloss –  admits: “Many Venezuelan organizations receiving US support have not been public about being funding recipients.”

The pace of Washington’s efforts in Venezuela temporarily slowed with the funding pause, as US-funded proxies had to focus on their own survival.  Venezuelan government officials, cheering the pause, viewed the NED’s interference in their internal affairs as a violation of Venezuelan sovereignty.  In contrast, the US-funded leader of the far-right opposition, Maria Corina Machado, begged for international support to make up for the shortfall from Washington.

WOLA bemoaned that the funding freeze allowed the “Maduro government to further delegitimize NGOs” paid by the US. Hundreds of US-funded organizations, they lamented, “now face the grim choice of going underground, relocating abroad, or shutting down operations altogether.”

With the partial reinstatement of funding, now bankrolling at least 39 projects costing $3.4 million, former US senator and present NED board member Mel Martinez praised the NED for its “tremendous presence in Venezuela… supporting the anti-Maduro movement.”

Nicaragua

Leading up to the 2018 coup attempt, the NED had funded 54 projects worth over $4 million.  Much of this went to support supposedly “independent” media, in practice little more than propaganda outlets for Nicaragua’s opposition groups.  Afterward, the NED-funded online magazine Global Americans revealed that the NED had “laid “the groundwork for insurrection” in Nicaragua.

One of the main beneficiaries, Confidencial, is owned by the Chamorro family, two of whose members later announced intentions to stand in Nicaragua’s 2021 elections.  The family received well over $5 million in US government funding, either from the NED or directly from USAID (now absorbed into the State Department).  In 2022, Cristiana Chamorro, who handled much of this funding, was found guilty of money laundering.  Her eight-year sentence was commuted to house arrest; after a few months she was given asylum in the US.

Of the 22 Nicaragua-related projects which NED has resumed funding, one third sponsor “independent” media.  While the recipients’ names are undisclosed, it is almost certain that this funding is either for outlets like Confidencial (now based in Costa Rica), or else is going direct to leading opponents of the Sandinista government to pay for advertisements currently appearing in Twitter and other social media.

Cuba

In Latin America, Cuba is targeted with the highest level of NED spending – $6.6 million covering 46 projects.  One stated objective is to create “a more well-informed, critically minded citizenry,” which appears laughable to anyone who has been to Cuba and talked to ordinary people there – generally much better informed about world affairs than a typical US citizen.

Cuba’s Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez criticized the NED’s destabilizing activities, such as financing 54 anti-Cuba organizations since 2017.  He advised the US administration to review “how many in that country [the US] have enriched themselves organizing destabilization and terrorism against Cuba with support from that organization.”

Washington not only restored NED funding for attacks on Cuba but, on May 15, added Cuba to the list of countries that “do not fully cooperate with its anti-terrorist efforts.”

The NED: Covert influence in the name of democracy

Anyone with a basic familiarity with Washington’s workings is likely to be aware of the NED’s covert role.  Yet the corporate media – behaving as State Department stenographers and showing no apparent embarrassment – have degenerated to the point where they regularly portray the secretly funded NED outlets as “independent” media serving the targeted countries.

Case in point: Washington Post columnist Max Boot finds it “sickening” that Trump is “trying [to] end US government support for democracy abroad.”  He is concerned because astroturf “democracy promotion groups” cannot exist without the flow of US government dollars.  He fears the “immense tragedy” of Trump’s executive order to cut off funding (now partially reinstated) for the US Agency for Global Media, the parent agency of the Voice of America, Radio Marti, and other propaganda outlets.

Behind the moralistic appeals to democracy promotion and free press is a defense of the US imperial project to impose itself on countries such as Venezuela, Nicaragua and Cuba.  Those sanctioned countries, targeted for regime change, need free access to food, fuel, medicines and funding for development.  They don’t need to hear US propaganda beamed to them or generated locally by phonily “independent” media.

- Roger D. Harris is with the Task Force on the Americas, the US Peace Council, and the Venezuela Solidarity Network.

- Nicaragua-based John Perry is with the Nicaragua Solidarity Coalition and writes for MR Online, the London Review of Books, FAIR and CovertAction, among others.

Source

The expulsion of Haitians from the Dominican Republic raises serious humanitarian and human rights concerns - particularly when they involve pregnant Haitian women or mothers with very young children

Haiti Humanitarian Country Team deeply concerned about the deportation of pregnant and breastfeeding women from the Dominican Republic

Humanitarian Crisis in Haiti

The Humanitarian Country Team (HCT) in Haiti expresses deep concern over the rising number of pregnant and breastfeeding women being deported from the Dominican Republic to Haiti, in violation of international standards.

According to the latest data from the International Organization for Migration (IOM), nearly 20,000 individuals — including a growing number of highly vulnerable women — were deported by land in April 2025, marking a record number for a one-month period.  At the Belladère and Ouanaminthe border crossings, the National Office for Migration (ONM) and IOM, in coordination with other partners, have assisted an average of 15 pregnant women and 15 breastfeeding mothers per day since 22 April.

“It is imperative that commitments to protecting vulnerable populations are upheld.  These expulsions raise serious humanitarian and human rights concerns, particularly when they involve pregnant women or mothers with very young children,” said Ulrika Richardson, United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator in Haiti.

These deportations compound an already complex humanitarian crisis affecting millions of people across the country.  Armed violence in several regions has displaced more than one million individuals.

In addition, food insecurity continues to worsen nationwide.  Over 5.7 million people — half the population — are currently facing acute food insecurity, with pockets of near-famine conditions.

In response to this situation, United Nations agencies and their humanitarian partners, in coordination with Haitian authorities, are mobilizing to address the most urgent needs — including through the provision of safe drinking water, adapted hygiene kits, medical care, temporary shelter, psychosocial support, and food assistance.

The Humanitarian Country Team in Haiti calls for migration policies that uphold human dignity and urges enhanced regional solidarity to address a crisis that transcends borders and endangers the rights and lives of thousands.

Source

For more information, please contact: Claire-Emmanuelle Pressoir, Public Information Officer, OCHA Haiti, Port-au-Prince

claire.pressoir@un.org 

This article first appeared in Haiti | ReliefWeb

Captain IBRAHIM TRAORE needs more than just Cheerleaders!

Let's Use our Platforms to Support Capt. Ibrahim Traore and become virtual citizens of the Burkina Faso Global Massive

STOP TALKING ABOUT IBRAHIM TRAORE AND TAKE ACTION!

By Professor Gilbert Morris

Nassau, NP, The Bahamas

African and Caribbean people are delusional and talk too much!

Who cannot love Capt. Ibrahim Traore…when he embodies all we have longed for against both colonialists and our own post-colonial leaders.

But with all that is arrayed against him…why all the celebration and constant feckless barking…vainglorious noise-making!

We have no understanding of power and none of the people speaking loudest and celebrating pan-African nonsense have the power to help him.

He is living under threat for his life: he needs more than cheerleaders.

What Traore needs is time…but there is none.  Those who wish to end his regime are working every angle, whilst his fans are thinking their incessant barking and insipid noise-making is action!

Shut up so he may work in silence.  Don’t poke the imperialist bear until he has had the chance to steel his country against the imperialists who are now trying to defeat him.  Let him go dark and emerge in 300 days having strengthened his defences through deals.

Use your platform to reveal and shame every imperialist who threatens him.  Make sure every post has 100 million likes and shares.

That is action!

You want to make a real practical difference:

1. Create a fund.

2. Use an African app.

3. Raise money for schools and medical care in Burkina Faso.

Everyone…give money to this cause and let’s make ourselves virtual citizens of the Burkina Faso Global Massive!

Support with systems, not talk!

Source / Comment